We asked all the Labour leadership and deputy leadership candidates to tell us about there work with the irish community and answe some of our questions. Here are their answers.
Labour candidates for Leader:
Rebecca Long Bailey
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
Having grown up in an Irish family, as part of Manchester’s Irish community, I have great pride in the heritage and contribution of Irish migration to Britain, but also first-hand knowledge of the marginalisation Irish communities in Britain have historically experienced. I want to make sure we never return to the days in which Irish communities were viewed with suspicion or mistrust, and that is why I support groups like Irish in Britain, at whose AGM I recently spoke, to celebrate the cultural and economic contribution of Irish communities and organisations across Britain.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
In the three years that Northern Ireland has not had a functioning government, economic growth has been the lowest of any other nation or region of the UK, so it is vital that that the power-sharing government develop an industrial and economic strategy that protects and creates well paying, skilled jobs.
Part of that will be making the case for a post-Brexit agreement with the EU that allows frictionless trade in goods and services with both the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. And part of that will be kick starting a Green Industrial Revolution for Northern Ireland, where the low carbon economy is a huge potential growth area. For example, there is great potential to build on the offshore renewable energy industry already serviced by Belfast Harbour, or to create over 10,000 jobs by upgrading Northern Ireland’s housing – where fuel poverty is double the rate in England – to the highest levels of energy efficiency, cutting carbon emissions and bills.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
I support the creation of an independent body to take forward outstanding investigations into Troubles-related deaths, and The Northern Ireland Executive parties and the UK and Irish Governments agreed to establish the Historical Investigations Unit for that purpose, as part of the Stormont House Agreement in 2014. The HIU was originally supposed to be operational by 2016, and it is now essential that, without unnecessary delay, the HIU it is able to take forward the outstanding work of the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s Historical Enquiries Team and the outstanding legacy work of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland. I do not support a statute of limitations with regard to prosecutions for Troubles-related deaths.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
I do not support the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland.
Lisa Nandy
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
Firstly, it is important to recognise the historic achievements of Labour Governments in negotiating the Good Friday Agreement and the Paisley/McGuiness power sharing self-government of 2007. It was one of the most important and consequential acts and it allowed a new Northern Ireland to be born based on the principle of cooperation and shared institutions.
Throughout the debate over the Brexit Withdrawal Agreement, my priorities were two fold; a deal that protected rights and standards and one that respected the Good Friday Agreement, including no hard border in Northern Ireland.
The Irish diaspora in the U.K. has contributed so much to Labour politics and history. It is one part of the extremely rich ties between our two countries which bring us closer together and it must be valued and maintained.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
The re-establishment of Stormont has been an essential and welcome first step. I was always struck by the words of the former Deputy First Minister and SDLP deputy leader, Seamus Mallon who said so powerfully more than thirty years ago: 'are we to create a new vision for a new century and a new Ireland, created by the people of Ireland, on the basis of agreement and reconciliation? Come and build with us. Say yes.' That is the principle task of the Northern Ireland assembly today; to create a vision based on agreement and reconciliation and, yes to build a brighter future.
Brexit will of course dominate those deliberations. The EU was the inspiration for the Good Friday Agreement and our exit from the EU is a painful moment for many. We must do everything we can to challenge Boris Johnson's continued threats over a no-deal outcome at the end of the transition period which still has serious implications for island of Ireland border arrangements.
And the uncertainty, for instance over Irish citizen rights, particularly in light of the DeSouza ruling must be resolved by the UK Government, working with Stormont. The continued uncertainty picks away at a fundamental principle of the GFA, and I believe the UK Government should urgently implement, in full, the birthright provisions to underline the spirit and letter of the GFA.
But the delivery of services that have been damaged as a result of three years without political direction, will also be a big test. That will take coordinated action in Stormont, but Westminster will also have a role to play to ensure Northern Ireland have the resources they need to deliver services. I will fight for that.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim.
I am in favour of the full implementation of the Stormont House Agreement (agreed by all NI parties) and within that the Historical Investigations Unit. This provides a route to truth and justice for those who lost loved ones over the course of the troubles from all sides of the conflict.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
I am extremely mindful of the sensitivities in this discussion and I have long valued our close working relationships with our sister party, the SDLP. I appreciate that a UK-only structure for the Labour Party, centered on Westminster is unlikely to be appropriate or indeed welcomed in Northern Ireland. Our long-standing position not to stand Labour Party candidates in the north is one that, I think, is right in principle and supports our determination to be honest brokers in Northern Ireland. That being said, the role of the wider labour movement is vital, helping to champion progressive causes and fight for fair pay, strengthened rights and equality across the UK and the island of Ireland. It is cooperation like this, at a civic level, if not active involvement at a political level in Northern Ireland, that can help maintain and develop the deep and enduring bonds essential for the future.
Keir Starmer
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
The Irish community in Britain have always and continues to make a huge contribution to our way of life. I know this from my work as MP for Holborn & St Pancras, which has the fifth highest constituency in Britain for the Irish-born population. I see the contribution that the Irish community make every day in our local schools, hospitals and other vital services. I am proud to have worked to support them in return.
This has included work with the London Irish Centre, a charity and community hub in my constituency which I have supported for years. I’ve held advice surgeries there and engaged with community organisations who use the centre. The Irish diaspora have a strong sense of identity and attachment to their families and communities in Ireland, and have enriched communities throughout Britain.
It’s why so many raised concerns with me over the impact that Brexit could have on UK-Irish relations and about the potential of a hard border on the island of Ireland. As Shadow Brexit Secretary I worked closely with the Irish government over the last three years and met regularly with businesses, trade unions and political parties on both side of the border. I was always clear I would not accept any Brexit deal that led to a hard border or put the Good Friday Agreement at risk.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
It has been fantastic to see Stormont’s institutions back up and running in Northern Ireland, after three years without the Assembly. I worked in Northern Ireland for five years with the Northern Ireland Policing Board and I know how vital it is that power-sharing is working for all communities.
There will be many priorities, and MLAs in Northern Ireland will currently be determining them. One of the key ones will be healthcare and the long waiting lists that patients in Northern Ireland are experiencing. Hopefully, with Stormont back, politicians and political parties in Northern Ireland can work together effectively to improve health and social care amongst other issues. The Labour Party has an important role to play in helping the devolved assembly in Northern Ireland to secure the funding and resources it needs to do this, and I will always play my role in supporting this.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
It’s important that claims of human rights abuse or injustices are investigated fairly, transparently and within existing legal process. I worked in Northern Ireland for five years helping to implement policing aspects of the Good Friday Agreement, so I understand how complex and sensitive this issue is. I also recognise that there needs to be cross-community support for this process and respect for the Stormont House Agreement and the principles that underpin it.
On the investigation of outstanding claims, I do not think there should be a time limit. I have been involved in many serious cases where criminal proceedings have been brought long after the event. But the views of family members must be taken into account and, in my experience, many have different views about how they want issues resolved and closed.
4. What is your view on standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
I don’t think now is the right time for Labour to stand candidates in Northern Ireland, but I believe we need to do more to support our members in the North. I’ve met with the Northern Ireland Labour Party to discuss this and to see how we can work more closely together. If elected leader I would be happy to meet again to discuss this further.
I also think we should work shoulder to shoulder with our sister party, the SDLP, and I am delighted that we have SDLP representatives in the House of Commons again. During the General Election I endorsed Claire Hanna in her Belfast South seat and if elected Labour leader I look forward to working with the SDLP in Parliament.
Emily Thornberry
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
My Nan was from Belfast, and because her formative years came between Partition and The Troubles, and her only religious passions were feminism, socialism and knitting, she never became polarised in her views. Her husband, my grandad, was proud to be the headmaster of one of the first religiously-integrated schools. Nan would always tell me ‘I’m British and I’m Irish’, and that’s how I’ve always felt too since I was a child. And representing half of Holloway and all of Clerkenwell, with their historic and vibrant Irish communities, I still get that feeling of having a foot in both countries. That’s why I was such a passionate campaigner for decades – alongside Irish and Northern Irish women in London – to ensure that women weren’t forced to come here to exercise the freedom to control their own bodies, the same way any woman should be able to, two victories we’ve finally won in the past two years. And it’s also the reason I campaigned so passionately for the public to have the final say on any Brexit deal and argued that Labour should campaign unequivocally to Remain, so we could expose the myth that a borderless future in Ireland is possible under the Tory plans, with all the risks that poses, from trade to terrorism. When I first stood in at PMQs in December 2016 – every politician’s dream – I could have raised any issue, but I raised the border issue, because I never want the UK and Ireland to be divided again.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
Well clearly the most immediate priority is to make the new power-sharing agreement stick, and we all know that’s easier said than done, especially in the early days when decisions have to be made and compromises need to be struck. Then – having spent so long bogged down in this constitutional crisis – they will clearly need to get back to the bread-and-butter issues of ensuring that Northern Ireland’s public services are properly funded and looked after, that investment keeps coming in, and that That will not be easy, but the consequences of doing the opposite will be far worse.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
I’ve got a very simple view of this, which is that it doesn’t matter who you worked for or what circumstances you were working in or how long ago it happened, the rule of law applies to everyone. If what you’ve done is deemed by the prosecuting authorities to be a crime, you have your day in court to defend yourself, and then the court weighs up all the issues, decides if you’re guilty and if so, what sentence you deserve. No-one should be above the rule of law, otherwise it ceases to mean anything. And there’s a further principle here that is equally important. The families of the victims of these historic crimes may not get the justice they want from these proceedings, but they will at least get the truth that they deserve about what happened to their loved ones, who was responsible, and why. Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson may be two of the most prominent cases when we’ve had cover-ups and sham inquiries, but there are hundreds – or indeed thousands – more people who lost loved ones in the Troubles in circumstances that have never been properly explained, including many who grew up as children without a mother or father as a result. They may not all get justice, but at the very least, they deserve answers and the truth.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
It’s obviously been a difficult issue because of the convention that we don’t stand candidates against sister parties, but we obviously saw signs in December of parties working together – and standing aside for each other – to provide the best chance of unseating a right-wing candidate likely to side with the Tories in Parliament. So that could provide the basis for Labour to stand candidates in at least some seats, and offer a manifesto with distinctive policies on how we would promote peace, prosperity and public services in Northern Ireland, not based on nationalist or unionist politics, but on the grounds that we’ll represent and fight for all working people. And there’s also a question of fairness here. We’ve got 1,600 members of the Northern Ireland Labour Party who will be voting in this Labour leadership election, but don’t ever get a say in who actually runs the country. That simply isn’t right. Let’s also remember that – while the Labour Party in the Republic still polls low in percentage terms, they have a foothold in the Dáil, and they could form part of a coalition after the election. Indeed, The Irish Times showed that the most popular coalition option was Fianna Fáil, Labour and the Greens, and we were the party fewest people wouldn’t want to see in government. So if momentum in the Republic grows for Labour, then there’s the chance to capitalise on that in Northern Ireland and turn the LPNI into a real fighting force.
Deputy Leader candidates:
Dr. Rosena Allin-Khan
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
My constituency of Tooting has a large Irish community who add so much to the area. I meet regularly with Irish citizens living in the area, through my regular casework surgeries and through events hosted by the wonderful Irish businesses spread throughout Tooting.
The uncertainty of Brexit has been a major issue for the Irish community in Tooting, and it has been the thing that comes up most for me since my election in 2016. The strong Irish voice in Tooting helped shape my Brexit position and I shared the feeling that the Conservative government did not think of the island of Ireland whatsoever when they gambled with the EU referendum. There was no contingency plan, and almost four years on since the poll, there is still no certainty with regards to trade and travel in Ireland. I have been supporting Irish nationals with advice on Brexit and wider immigration advice throughout my time as a Member of Parliament. I have always listened to the Irish community before crucial Brexit votes, leading me to vote against triggering Article 50, and against May and Johnson’s deals.
I have also supported many Irish small businesses in Tooting. We have an abundance of wonderful independent Irish pubs which I have represented to the council whenever they have an issue. I have hosted numerous events in Irish businesses and I look forward to continuing supporting the community if I am elected Deputy Leader.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
I am extremely relieved that power-sharing has been restored at Stormont. I believe it is absolutely crucial at this stage in the Brexit process that Northern Ireland has an Assembly with a voice to ensure that Boris Johnson’s right-wing government cannot railroad the nation. The people of Northern Ireland will most likely be the ones who face the biggest impact following Brexit, so it is vital that they are part of the process to ensure the rights of Irish citizens are protected and that trade with the Republic of Ireland and the rest of the EU continues.
As an A&E doctor, I believe that the NHS and wider health policy should always be high on any government's agenda. I was shocked in December when 15,000 nurses had to go on strike due to terrible staffing shortages. The staffing shortages which led to the strike put patients and staff both at risk. Nurses, who are paid significantly less money in Northern Ireland than the rest of the UK, were at breaking-point and the HSC was on its knees. As a fellow health service worker, I stood in full solidarity with all staff on strike.
Northern Ireland has the highest waiting times in the UK, the most cancelled operations and some of the biggest problems facing the health service. With power-sharing restored, I believe that solving the health and social care crisis must be an absolute priority.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
I fully believe that all unaccounted for deaths during the Troubles should be investigated and appropriate action brought to perpetrators. The families of victims from all sides deserve closure and responsibility must be taken for what transpired during the conflict.
I firmly believe all outstanding cases must be investigated, cases involving Republican paramilitaries, Loyalist paramilitaries and British Security personnel where appropriate.
I do not believe it can be justified to investigate the deaths of only certain individuals while giving amnesty to others without probable cause. I believe the British government has a responsibility to ensure that all Irish families are given justice.
To my understanding, the Historical Enquiries Unit, the HIU’s precursor, conducted 1615 investigations, with 1,038 deaths attributed to Republicans and 32 to the Armed Forces, with 536 attributed to Loyalists and 9 unknown. I do not believe these figures constitute a disproportionate amount of armed forces personnel being prosecuted.
Northern Ireland has too often been treated as an afterthought by consecutive Conservative governments with Brexit being the latest example of this. To ensure that trust remains between the Northern Irish people and Westminster, I firmly believe that all outstanding cases must be investigated and justice is provided to the families of victims.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
I am open to the notion that the Labour Party can field candidates in Northern Ireland at some point in the future, I am glad that our membership there is growing and more and more people are engaging with the party. However, I believe that the Labour Party should continue to cooperate with, rather than compete against, our sister parties on the island of Ireland. We have a longstanding relationship with the SDLP and the Irish Labour Party and I believe this relationship should continue.
I believe that we must continue to be sensitive to the politics of Ireland and resume our role as honest brokers while still supporting and championing progressive causes. I believe at the moment, we do this by continuing to work in cooperation with our sister parties.
Richard Burgon
No responses received.
Dawn Butler
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
I’m proud that my constituency of Brent Central has a large Irish community. I have been pleased to work closely with the local community on issues that matter to them and I help Irish people in Brent with their specific needs and challenges through my casework, working along with Irish Elders and other organisations. I also make sure that I mark St Patricks Day every year in my constituency, which is always celebrated with great pride in Brent.
The Irish community is especially important to me because when my family first came from Jamaica to the UK, there was a strong tie between the two communities due to the persecution faced by both the Irish and African Caribbean communities. I will never ever forget the disgusting ‘No blacks, no dogs, no Irish’ signs that so many had to endure.
As Shadow Secretary of State for Women and Equalities, I have also campaigned in support of extending same-sex marriage and abortion rights to Northern Ireland, as I believe that women across the UK should have equal rights.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
First of all I would like to see a commitment to protect equal rights, specifically when it comes to gay marriage and abortion laws. It is so important that women in Northern Ireland have the same rights as women in the rest of the UK.
I would also like to see an end to austerity measures and the funding crisis which we know Northern Ireland is suffering from, much like in other parts of the UK, and there needs to be investment on things like infrastructure and public services. However this will also require the Conservative Government to properly invest in all our communities which I sadly have no faith in them doing.
It is also imperative that all parties do all they can to prevent a hard border in Northern Ireland and maintains peace. We need to ensure that a good trade deal is reached that minimises any difficulties as much as possible and ensures there is no regulatory border down the Irish Sea.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
I have always believed that the law must apply to everyone and that there should be no limits to this. There must of course be a fair and proper process for this and everyone must be treated with dignity and respect, but it’s important to get to the bottom of everything that happened for the families of victims. There were awful crimes committed that simply must be investigated.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
My view is that any move to stand candidates in Northern Ireland would have to be very well thought out and done with the consent of the Northern Irish people, however I do not think we have reached that point yet. I am mindful of possible consequences and we would never want to do anything that could potentially put peace at risk. In the meantime, we should continue to support the work of our sister party, the Social Democratic and Labour Party.
Ian Murray
1. What examples can you give of you having worked with the Irish community in Britain?
The Irish community has a special place in Britain and in the Labour movement and, in recent years, the voice of Ireland in the Brexit debate has been particularly important in reminding the Tory Government of the reality of the Brexit process and its wider consequences.
In the last Parliament, I worked extensively with people in Britain’s Irish community as part of the Brexit process. I was a founder of the People’s Vote campaign and a leading campaigner against Brexit, which I still believe to be one of the greatest mistakes our country has made in a generation. As well as engaging the Irish community in Britain, I also travelled to Stormont and the Dail to meet with politicians and community leaders, including in border communities, to better understand the potential effect of Brexit on Ireland.
I was also proud to support Connor McGinn’s efforts to legalise same sex marriage and abortion in Northern Ireland. It was wrong that Northern Ireland has had to wait so long to win these rights. The change in the law in the Republic of Ireland made Northern Ireland’s position on these issues unsustainable and I’m pleased that, after many years of campaigning by people in Northern Ireland, we were able to make this a reality.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
The restoration of power-sharing has taken far too long, leaving Northern Ireland without a properly functioning government. It was not helped by the Tories’ alliance with the DUP which removed the UK Government’s role as a neutral player in negotiations and should serve as a warning to us. The issues that the Executive and the Assembly now face are ones that will be familiar to many of us. Tackling the consequences of a decade of Tory austerity, responding to the crisis in public services and investing in increasing the supply of housing.
The nurses’ strike in Northern Ireland demonstrated the significant strain that the NHS is under. Nurses do not take strike action lightly, but the chronic underfunding of the service - leading to longer waiting times than Scotland, England or Wales – must be addressed. In a similar vein, the teachers’ pay dispute must be resolved and the underinvestment in Northern Ireland’s schools reversed. If Northern Ireland is to have a successful future and a strong economy, the Executive must prioritise education funding to ensure that every child gets the best start in life.
Finally, Brexit is likely to have a significant effect on Northern Ireland. Boris Johnson’s cavalier attitude to Northern Ireland in the negotiations, and his apparent lack of understanding of the situation, is particularly dangerous. The Executive must stand up for Northern Ireland’s interests in the negotiations and get the Brexit working advisory group up and running.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
It is welcome that the agreement to re-establish devolution in Northern Ireland included the commitment to establishing the legacy institutions and that the UK Government has committed to legislation on this within 100 days. The delay to establishing these institutions has been worrying for the many families who are still looking for answers.
It is essential that this now takes place and Labour should hold the Government to account on this commitment. Investigating every outstanding claim is essential to providing answers for the many people who were affected by the troubles and the families of those who were killed.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
I am unconvinced that the Labour Party should run candidates in Northern Ireland because of the risk that it could create for the Good Friday Agreement in the future. However, I would be keen to meet with members of the Northern Ireland CLP and members of the Labour Irish Society so that I can better understand the issue and your concerns.
We have seen in recent years the effect that the DUP/Tory alliance in had on Northern Irish politics. The alliance in Westminster led to a prolonged suspension of power-sharing and deep distrust emerging between the parties in Northern Ireland. When Labour is in Government again in the future, we must be an independent voice in the Northern Irish political process in order to act as an honest broker in any future negotiations. The situation with regards to Labour candidates standing in Northern Ireland is unique, but so too are the political institutions in Northern Ireland. As a party, we must ensure that a future Secretary of State for Northern Ireland is not compromised in the way that they have been in recent years.
Angela Rayner
1. What examples can you give of working with the Irish community in Britain?
The Irish community make an incredible contribution in Britain; as I’ve seen for myself as an MP in Greater Manchester. We are rightly proud of our Irish diaspora and history. Second generation Irish in Greater Manchester include Anna Friel, Caroline Ahern, Steve Coogan and most of Oasis – people have quite literally helped us laugh, sing and enjoy life.
I am immensely proud to have always supported Irish diaspora and community groups. As a community organiser and Trade Union activist, and now as an MP, for example working with local Labour councillors on events around St Patrick’s Day.
I was extremely pleased and proud to see the Irish people vote to end the ban on abortion and to extend civil marriage rights to same sex couples by referendum, the only country in the world to have done so. I supported both campaigns and am very pleased at the impact these decisions will have on the lives of women and LGBT+ people.
2. Now that we have seen the restoration of power-sharing in Northern Ireland what do you see as the most important issues for them to tackle?
The Good Friday Agreement was one of Labour’s greatest achievements and the recent stalemate was extremely disappointing for all who value peace and stability in Ireland.
It will be for the Assembly to determine their priorities, but it's good to see an early focus on public services.
Tory austerity has hit services hard at every level; including the ability of devolved governments to deliver for ordinary people. Health, in particular, in Northern Ireland lags behind the rest of the UK, with unacceptable waiting lists for healthcare. We all hope this can be addressed by the new Assembly at Stormont.
Fair pay is also essential. NHS workers in Northern Ireland must be paid the same as those in Scotland, England or Wales. Unions like Unison NI have done fantastic work demanding better, and it is a testament to them that the new government in Northern Ireland announced pay parity for nurses last month.
Northern Ireland has a proud industrial history and it was great to see GMB and Unite successfully defend Harland and Wolff from closure. Stormont will have an important role in ensuring we develop high quality, well paid jobs for the future.
It is great to see Stormont back and parties working together again, it should be cause for hope. The Labour Party needs to support them in their work, and help them secure the resources they need to deliver for the people of Northern Ireland. I will always work with our Northern Ireland team to do that.
3. Do you support the work of the Historical Investigations Unit and do you support the investigation of every single outstanding claim?
Yes. The Historical Investigations Unit was proposed following extensive talks between the main political parties in Northern Ireland, as well as the British and Irish Governments.
Dealing with the past is crucial, and where there have been human rights abuses, there can be no time limit on justice. Victims and their families deserve closure and we must ensure equality before the law. The Stormont House Agreement, reached in 2014, sets out a process to deal with this and other Troubles-era Legacy issues which should be followed. We must always respect the rights of people to search for justice and information, and do so in a way which is open, objective and fair.
4. What is your view on the Labour Party standing candidates in Northern Ireland?
I support our Party’s current, longstanding position on this which is that we should not stand candidates for election in Northern Ireland at this time. This acknowledges the unique political environment in Northern Ireland and the need for a future Labour Government to be an honest broker in any future talks.
I support the principles of localism and political pluralism, and the need to place trust in people to identify their own priorities and the role of government at all levels to support that. I want to work closely with the labour movement in Northern Ireland and across the rest of the island of Ireland to ensure that we fight to get the best for everyone. I also greatly welcome the election of new SDLP members of Parliament and I look forward to working with them.